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The Economist was certain that 6% without confidence and friendship
there is no solution at all.33 But the history of imperialist Muscovy, a
history of continuous annexation of other countries throughout a period
of over five hundred years, neither knew nor recognised confidence and
friendship in politics. It was against the very nature of things for Russia.
The New York Times on April 30, wrote :
cc The Molotov Note and the official comment in Izvestia suggest that
the Soviet aim is to overthrow the Sikorski Government. The frontier is
the real point at issue, and there is no doubt this question could be easily
settled if die London regime could be replaced by the Committee ofc Polish
Patriots ' in Moscow.
In appraising the situation, the New York World Telegram went much
further but much closer to the truth.
" . . . By breaking with Poland, Russia has begun to clear the air. If
she shoves Poland into the camp of her enemies, her technical position will
be vastly improved when, after the war, she lays claim to much of Eastern
Europe . . . Moscow has increased the fears of Europe and America that she
wants to dominate the post-war world."
Such were the boldest among the opinions given by the Press, but the
majority were simply afraid to recognise the reality, for by recognising it
the question arose : " What is this war about ? To aid Russia to establish
domination in Europe instead of Germany ? " Few people wanted to
look forward in the Spring of 1943 an-d see that the German problem solved
was only, perhaps, half the problem of Europe settled. The task seemed
too great for one generation of the Western world, who, unwilling to enter
the war in the first place, was endeavouring to finish it as soon as possible.
Moscow's demands for internal changes in the Polish Government
came as a certain shock to the public opinion in the U.S. and Britain,
uncovering as it did the true meaning of the Soviet's designs. Hitler
had put similar suggestions to the British Government prior to the out-
break of the war^ i.e.5 to change the Government to one more sympathetic
to the Nazi cause, and in 194X3 Hitler's confidant, Hess, had come to
England with the same request.
cc There is no other Government" the Tablet wrote on May 8, fc in the
Grand Alliance which dreams of making such requests or demands of Allies
and no type of suggestion is more likely to rock the boat in which so many
Allies sit together.
" Nations with free institutions will always be nations with many economic
classes and political parties, and it will be the end of such free institutions in
Eastern Europe if attempts are made from Moscow to call the Communists
and their sympathisers c the people, the whole people and nothing but the
people/ when they are in truth in every European land a much mistrusted
minority faction, infected with an alien ideology."
Time and Tide arrived at the conclusion that: cc , . . the Polish Nation
is3 to-day-, more united than it ever was before . . , None of the internal
conflicts or differences that afflict the French, the Yugoslavs, the Czecho-
slovaks and others afflict the Poles. This is all the more remarkable
because the Poles have> in the past3 shown excessive fractiousness . . . "